Domestic Travails of Competing Nationalisms: A Mess Called Brexit

The foundation of England’s Imperial Empire abroad was sound governance based on ethnic kingship.  The old maxim of divide and conquer had limited yet profound appeal for imperial Brits; the crude Darwinian calculus used to determine British interests abroad, especially throughout the subcontinent remained ethnic and racial.  This is brilliantly explored in Alibis of Empire:  Henry Main & the Ends of Liberal Imperialism.  This book cannot be reconciled to Tory aims in Northern Ireland; the Irish question flogged most British leaders throughout the 18th-20th century.  Its fault line runs straight through the 100 Years War and the subsequent sectarian conflicts that raged the 20th century.  Having its origin in the need for Tutor security while England secured its Hanoverian beachhead deep in continental Europe, England used the ramparts of its lowlands in the maintenance of a genocidal campaign against the Irish since Henry VIII.

The role reversals that reel London now have reversed their informing center.  Londonstan isn’t identified as British by any means now, after having giving citizenship to every British dependency abroad, the prescient admonitions of Enoch Powell are coming home with vengeance.

Theresa May needed Northern Ireland’s (DUP) Democratic Unionist Party to support her flailing coalition or subjugate all of England to the Socialist agenda of Labor.  Her weak hand hasn’t been strengthened by her choice of cabinet leaders, they too have sought open ideological war supporting a hard Brexit favoring local sovereignty over technocratic incompetence of Brussels.

The irony here is immense because May’s Presbyterian cohorts from Northern Ireland continue to ignore London’s plea to restore devolved government in Belfast.  Having abandoned any pretext of governing, the Orangeman in the north have suspended all arrangements to share power with Irish home rule.  On December 04, Orange Unionists stepped in to block a concession led by May aiming to avert a hard border in Northern Ireland.

The problem rests with discrete social, tactical components that underwrite the Good Friday agreement.  Just as Rome was tutored in evaluating the origins of the Peloponnesian War by the idolization of an ephemeral achievement of the city state,  dual sovereignty as a solution prevented Rome from succumbing to Hellenic hubris.  The creative response of dividing allegiance was used by Madison to secure the social ramparts of our Constitutional Republic.  England doesn’t have these checks and balances.  In fact, Henry Main’s achievement of reifying ethnicity or race as the foundation stone of governance has returned in the shape of hard frontiers.

DUP’s bombshell trigged Wales, London and Scotland for special treatment with England.  Given that the British Constitution remains un-enumerated, May’s theoretical problems are growing exponentially, and I haven’t even gotten to the Islamist agitators yet. The Good Friday agreement lessened strong sectarian components of the Irish civil war, but it only skirted the ethnic drive that animates Presbyterian Orangemen.  By alleviating the   norths mentality as besieged settlers, the Good Friday agreement was tactical, it never sought to openly and creatively respond to what underwrote the governance of imperial Brits:  Henry Main’s socio-theoretical compact of ethnicity.

In effect, what the DUP did for May was to accelerate debate within her Cabinet about Tory end goals regarding Britain’s relationship with the EU.  May has sought to place all her efforts into denying having to tackle this theoretical question, even though the Brexit vote concretized it for her.

Consequently, DUP’s intransigence will either force a hard border in the North or give Jeremy Corbyn power.

May’s troubles are growing because phase II of negotiations will remain much harder than the initial phase.  March 29, 2019 is when Brexit is scheduled to happen, and two years isn’t enough time for London to secure its footing on theoretical questions regarding sovereignty while Cabinet members initiate separate policy tracks peeling off bilateral trade deals.  What all this means is that Brussels remains ahead of England in its Brexit engagement.

The very best May can deliver is half a loaf:  swallowing a difficult Brexit with hard imposed borders with regulatory alignment that will only cover goods not services.

May needs to mine the resurgent nationalism that underwrite the publics appeal for Brexit.  She remains distracted and unwilling to engage this topic as a conviction politician.

Just what did Thatcher know that May doesn’t?

The specter of a Soviet menace hung over continental Europe.  The social base of Europe was united with strong leadership that possessed policy clarity.  When European unity was born from the 1958 Coal & Steel Community, it was American stewardship in the maintenance of federated Franco-German unity that sutured the continent together.  And this was performed while France’s 5th Republic was dying in Algeria and Indo-China!  Today, Europe’s old ethnic rivalries, national grievances, tribal hostilities are amplified by technology and the atheist militant secularism that has become the EU. All of this is happening when Europe has abandoned its Christian roots and no longer has any moral authority from with to parry secular trends.

As of this writing, Theresa May’s handling of her portfolio is diminishing, as are her resources within domestic England.


About William Holland

Systematic Theologian/International Relations
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